From Coping to Tradition: The Ilocanoa Death Practices in Focus

From Coping To Tradition:
The Ilocano Death Practices in Focus
INTRODUCTION
Let us start with the basic fact: Human beings’ struggle to survive the challenges posed by the limitations of the environment. Under a certain circumstance where our lives are at stake, we device practical means of confronting it. For example, faced with a threatening situation, we often rely on our judgment to come up with a mechanism to adjust to it or prevent the negative effects that that situation may inflict upon us. If that mechanism works and yields positive feedbacks, it is concretized.

Once the alternative action is used repetitively and yields positive results, we tend to share it with others for the latter to try. As it is diffused and more and more people try it, its validity is established, Thus, the coping strategy ultimately becomes a practice. This could have been the root of the death practices among the Ilocanos.

Ilocanos are as modernized as the people of the premier city. However, there is one thing that resisted the influence of developments, that is, their reverence for the dead. Undeniably, their wedding practices, birthday celebrations, courtship, social, civic and religious activities have been influenced by modernization – except their death practices.

Apparently, they continue to embrace the practices without a clear understanding of ‘why’ they do them. They merely comply with the norms of society, in particular, the dictate of the babbaket (old women) whom they revere as the authority in this aspect. Further, the observance of the practices is anchored on the principles of hiya (shame) and utang na loob (indebtedness).

The traditional way of rearing children also has bearing on the continued observance of the practices, that is, threat. In the past, threat was used to discipline children and make them obey the elders. For example, to keep kids within the close watch of the elders, they are threatened with a “baby-eating ghost”. For an adolescent to behave in gatherings, she was made to believe that somebody in the crowd is good in sorcery and may inflict witchcraft upon her. For anyone not to eat food reserved or offered, he is threatened with an unseen that is guarding the food and he may suffer from stomach ache when eats it. Those who grew up with this means of rearing blindly follow what the elders say.


Pre- and Post-Burial Practices
The manner Ilocanos revere their dead is so unique and very interesting. A lot of practices are strictly observed regardless of the family’s social, political and economic status. In this paper, the death practices are categorized into pre-burial (before interment) and post- burial (from interment day to first death anniversary).

Pre-Burial Practices
From the time of death up to the day of the interment, a lot of unique and interesting practices can be observed among the Ilocanos.

The Mansayag (Wake)
Vigil is done for eight days – the ninth being the interment day. In the whole duration, the departed member is regarded “madi pay nakasaklang” (has not reached the creater), thus, he is revered as if he were still alive and their relationship with him still continues. A lot of practices accompany the wake.

The Atong. Pieces of logs are burned outside the fence or at the approach to the family’s lot, immediately following death. The atong is a means of heralding the death of a member in the household. The burning of logs is sustained for nine days and maintained by a panglakayen (old man) from among the kabagian (relatives). The smoke emitted is believed to drive away the evil that will take the spirit of the dead.
Before the cadaver is brought out of the house on interment day, all logs must be completely burned. Unburned logs is considered a bad omen as it will invite death of another member of the family. Once the remains gets out of the gate, ashes from the atong are immediately collected by a widow or widower – a married one to do it is believed to get widowed soon.

Encasing the Corpse. The casket must be just enough to accommodate the corpse. Too wide or too long is believed to invite death of another member of the family. On the other hand, should it be too narrow, the deceased is believed to be “marigatan nga makasaklang kenni Apo” (will have difficulty reaching the creatr).
As the corpse is placed in the casket, precaution must be take not to support the neck of the corpse. It is believed that all symphatizers who will come to the vigil will get dizzy. Further, the palms of the deceased must be closed as it is believed to welcome another member to join him when it is open. Lastly, the deceased takes hold of a few bucks for his “fare” going to his destination.

The Pagmasayagan. Customarily, the corpse is laid on a space structured like an altar. Besiodes it is a table with an image of any of the Holy family with candles burning maintained throughout the nine days of wake believed to facilitate his reaching his destination and readily acceptance of his soul by the Creator. The Atang (offering of food) is done regularly as if the deceased still takes the regular meal each day. This gesture manifest their belief in the immortality of the soul. As Agoncillo and Guerrero (1987) wrote, to the Filipinos, the memory of the recently dead is revered as if he were alive so that the previous relationship existing between them is continued to a certain extent even after death. Among the Ilocanos, since the corpse still lies on wake, the more the spirit still dwells with the family such that if food is not shared with it, it will be offended and inflict disease or illness among the members of the family.

Wearing of Banggal and Manto. Prominent among the members of the bereaved family is a ribbon tied around the head (banggal) – white in the duration of the wake, black on interment day to one month anniversary. Anyone who does not wear the banggal is believed to suffer from severe headache.
At dawn of the interment day, the white banggal is replaced by black. Only the “balo a baket” (old widow) is allowed to place the banggal. This is also the neginning of the wearing of black dresses and the manto (black veil) among the immediate members of the family where only their faces is seen. For a widow, this manner of wearing the manto must be maintained until the first month anniversary and may just hang it on her shoulder thereafter until the first year of death anniversary.

The Dung-aw. The Ilocano weeping for the dead (dung-aw) is so unique that it appears like it is coming in verses and rhyme as it is chanted. Contrary to what Yabes (1936) claim that it is a poem recited in a vigil and Agoncillo and Guerrero (1977) a song for the dead, when Ilocanos say “Inkam maki dung-aw” they meant “we’ll attend a vigil”. The words uttered and the manner the feeling of grief is expressed are not lyrics and music to comprise a song or a poem. Although when a non Ilocano (just like me before) hears it, it could be mistaken to be a song. The dung-aw is their chance to express everything they wanted to tell the deceased when it were alive. Anyone who hears it is swayed to commiserate with thje grieving family.

The Lualo (Prayer for the Dead). The nine days of wake is accompanied with a novena led by “balo a baket” (old widow) to petition for “maispal nga kararua” (save the spirit). The first seven days of prayers are usually held in the afternoon, the eight on the night preceding the burial and the ninth being a mass in the church before the casket is brought to the cemetery.

The Do’s and Don’ts During the Wake . A lot of maiparit (don’t do) must be strictly observed in the household, including among sympathizers who come.
1. No bathing. This will cause premature death and haunting among the bereaved family
2. Do not place a newly lighted candle over the melted one as it is believed to cause premature of the members, one after the other.
3. No washing of clothes.
4. No eating of horsed radish (malunggay)leaves, it will cause all members of the family to be maruros (swept out).
5. No merriment. Silence must be observed.
6. No cooking of kiinirog (fried rice) as it will break the bond among the members of the family.
7. No sweeping, inside and outside, the house. Trashes must be picked up and not collected with a dust pan. It will lead the family to a very difficult life.
8. No eating of sour food. It will lead to unwanted body growth like boils, warts and panagkilit (permanent winked eye)
9. No combing and scratching of head. Combing is believed to cause balding while scratching will cause nesting of so much lice on the person.
10. No meeting of visitors nor seeing them off. It will welcome death of another member of the family.

The Puligos (change position). Before the dawn breaks on the day of the interment, the coffin is turned across the original position. This signals the beginning of the family’s mourning. The wearing of black banggal, manto and black clothes begins. The coffin is opened. All members of the family does the sign of the cross on the forehead of the deceased, Children give their last respect, if the deceased is a senior member, by kissing its hands. Some personal belongings of the deceased, e.g. clothes, wallet, comb, face powder, needle, thread, are placed in the coffin – this they call pabalon. On moments like this, dung-aw again fills the air. Finally, the coffin is covered.

The Pamunpon (Interment)

The casket is usually brought out at 9:00 in the morning to provide for the mass and to ensure that the deceased in interred on or before 12:00 noon. A lock of practices is observed on the burial day.

The Iruruar (Going Out) of the corpse. In bringing out the corpse, the feet side must be towards the exit to prevent its spirit from coming back and mang-al-alia (to haunt) the family, Extra care must be observed to prevent the casket from mai-tim-og (to bump) and avoid premature death of any member of the bereaved family. Any one pregnant must leave the house ahead of everybody to prevent difficulty in delivery. Everybody must have gone out before the corpse goes out to prevent them from being haunted.

The Ngurungur (To Bleed). At the approach of the gate, two panglakayen (old men) each hold a chicken (a roster and hen) who, at the same time, slice the neck as the casket pass out of the gate. The bleeding chicken are thrown to the street until they die. These chicken are believed to fly the spirit of the deceased up until it reaches the Creator.

Panagwarsi. The Ilocano native wine (basi) is sprinkled in the whole of the receiving room where the corpse is kept for the vigil – all through the path the corpse passed as it is brought out for the funeral. Following the warsi, water is splashed at the approach of the gate to prevent unwanted events that may happen on the family. The basi is likened to a holy water capable of driving away kinamalas (bad omen), panagrigat (difficult life), dakes a pasamak (untoward events), and madi makitkita a simmarungkar (the unseen that may have visited).

Panangitulod. Everyone who attends the funeral accompanies the remains, from the house to the churchyard by waling. It is first given a requiem mass before it is brought to the cemetery.
As the casket gets into the church, the feet side is towards the altar , a way that the deceased commits himself to the Creator. But if it is brought out of the church after the mass, the feed side should be towards the exit which symbolizes rebirth into a new world.

At the Dagus. The dagus is a small chapel like structure where the remains is first placed before it is brought to its grave. Here, the casket is opened for the last respect. The remains is covered with a white blanket. Kisses of goodbye are given. In some cases, there are those who place some wrapped things inside the casket which they ask the deceased to give to their departed loved ones. They call it pao-it (to send).

Post-Burial Practices
Putting the remains to its grave is not the end. A lot more practices follow up to the first year of death anniversary.

Panagdiram-os and Panagbuggo. When the family members arrive home from burial, a basin of water with basi awaits at the gate. Each one wash his face (panagdiram-os) to prevent them from being haunted by the deceased followed by washing of their hands and feet (panagbuggo) to drive away evil spirits and prevent them from experiencing body pains.

The Pamakan. Everyone who attended the funeral is treated with a sumptuous lunch. This pammakan is extended to the community. This is a way of panagyaman (expressing gratitude) for the sympathy in their hours of bereavement and panagsubalit (repaying the kindness) to those who accompanied the family in bringing the remains to its grave.

The Lalaba, Gulgol and Digos. All the soiled clothes in the duration of the wake are washed during the lalaba (washing of clothes). This is done on any day following the interment - except on a Tuesday or a Friday. The first is associated with bad omen as it was the day when Judas betrayed Jesus while the latter is revered as holy day, the day of his death.
The lalaba is usually done in a flowing stream which is believed to take away all the bad omen and evil spirits that clothed the family during the wake.
When the clothes are already washed, the gulgol (shampooing) and digos (bathing) follow. The shampoo is a concoction of Lipai (Laportea meyeniana, Linn) extract and Lukban (lemon) juice. Commercially formulated shampoos are not allowed for this purpose. Plants are believed to possess the strong power to drive away evils.
The shampoo is washed away with water containing burned arutang (rice straw). Completion of this procedure means complete withdrawal of all the undesirable things inflicted upon the person by the ‘unseen’ which visited the family during the wake.

The Teppai. Once the bereaved family arrive home after the lalaba, they undergo teppai (patting) administered by an old widow. A person to undergo teppai must be in cross-seating position. Basi is applied over the forehead, back and neck with accompanying patting for at least three times. Palms must overlap each other, and once patted, the person has to shake them sideward. This procedure is believed to free the person of any pains in the next few days.

The Makabulan (First Month of Death Anniversary). A novena starts nine days before the first month of the death anniversary. It must be noted that only an old widow is allowed to lead the prayer. The first seven days are usually held at 3:00 in the afternoon, the eight is in the evening accompanying the Umras (offering of delicacies made of glutinous rice), and the ninth before 12:00 noon accompanying a waksi (take off) of some mourning paraphernalia.

The Umras (Offer)A day before the first month of death anniversary, relatives and friends gather together to prepare various delicacies from a cavan of glutinous rice and coconut. Standard to be prepared are baduya, linapet, patupat, pinais, ampao and dila-dila,
Linapet is cooked in coconut milk and sweetened with molasses. This is wrapped in babana leaves in cylindrical form and then steamed. The patupat is blended with salt and black pepper wrapped in banana leaves in cone shape. Baduya is a mixture of powdered gluten rice, coconut milk, egg and molasses which is fried in hog oil at plate size. Pinais is a fried film of wrapper prepared from rice. The ampao is popped gluten rice sweetened by molasses syrup and shaped in ball form while the dila-dila is a dough prepared from gluten rice powder, coconut milk and molasses shaped like tongue and fried.
These delicacies are arranged artistically in a plate, one layer after the other in the following sequence: seven pieces linapet, seven pieces patupat, a piece of baduya, three pieces dila-dila, a piece of pinais, a piece of ampao and accented with fried sotanghon noodles. Seven pairs of this must be offered.
The umras table is set at the receiving room. The table is set in a well-structured manner. It should be covered with cloth. A black veil is spread at the center where rice grains are arranged in cross-shape with three chicken egg. A pair of whole steamed chicken (rooster and hen) are positioned on both sides of the cross facing each other. A saucer full of chopped bettle nuts wrapped in pier leaves and a bunch of native cigar is positioned besides the chicken.
The seven pairs of plates of delicacies line-up the periphery of the umras table. At the head-side of the table is the altar. The offer must be set before darkness strikes and the household guard it overnight as if it were the corpse and they are doing vigil. The eighth of the novena is dedicated during this time
No one attempts to pick any from the offer and it eat as it will result to panagdiwig (lock jaw characterized by the lower jaw being skewed to one side).
At dawn the following morning, the umras is removed. All the food offered are wrapped and distributed to those who joined the family for a vigil. The bereaved family must not eat from the offer. Since a volume of this delicacies are prepared, all relatives and neighbors are given their share.

The Waksi. Waksi is characterized by the removal of some mourning paraphernalia, that is, the bereaved family are relieved from wearing the black baggal and black veil. The black dress remains up to the First year of death anniversary.
At about 11:00 o’clock in the mourning of the first month of death anniversary, the last novena is dedicated. After the prayer, all the members take off their bangal and black veil and place them on the mat spread in front of the altar. The leader of the prayer sprinkles them with basi like a holy water. After which, the family can already keep them.
Besides the novena at home, a church mass may be sponsored by the family. However, this is optional.

Pammakan. Similar to the interment day, relatives, friends, associates and neighborhood come together for a lunch following the waksi. However, the preparation may not be as voluminous as the former. Although it still . appears as if there is a grand celebration

The Makatawen (First Year Anniversary). The first year of death anniversary is observed the same way they do with the first month – there is the novena, the umras , waksi and the pamakan.
The volume of delicacies prepared for the umras may be the same or even more than that of the first month.
On the last of the novena, all the members of the family have to put back their black veil. After the prayer, the final waksi is done. The leader of the prayer, an old widow, removes the veil of the family members, place them at the center of the mat, and sprinkle basi on them. This signals the end of bereavement. However, it cannot be avoided that as the veils are removed, the babbaket (old women) burst with their dung-aw. The ritual is over and everyone removes their black dress and change with colored clothes. A new life unfolds. This, however, does not mean a grand celebration and forgetting the departed member.
When the final waksi is done, the pamakan follows – a sumptuous lunch for friends, relatives, neighborhood, and close associates.

The Panglagip (To Remember). Among the Ilocanos, it is not that easy to cut the bond that once existed and let go of it – the memory of the deceased is eternal. They continue to celebrate his natal day and revere his death with a simple atang (offering) of sinukat (glutinous rice cooked plainly in coconut milk) – both in the house and his grave. In every occasion, they always see to it that there is an atang of every food prepared.
At any time the family wish to remember the memory of the deceased, they conduct a family prayer led by a group of pious women. A widow is not required as in the first year.

A Historical Perspective

Apparently, women of up to early 70 years of age do not fully understand why they observe those practices. Their common response “diak ammo, isu ti kuna ti babbaket” (I don’t know, that’s what the old (more senior) women say. In astonishment, they often ask each other “no sapay nga talaga nga adda dagita” (Why do we really have all those [practices]). Thus, to obtain a more or less concrete answers, it cannot be avoided to reflect on the past.

Looking Back: The Restrictions of the Past
Up to the late 60s, Ilocos Norte was typically an agricultural community. It was highly rural and residential areas are almost forested. The high vegetation made the environment cool and fogs enveloped the surroundings even up to mid=morning. During cold season, temperature was so low that layers of clothing could hardly prevent the body from freezing effect of the environment.
Calesas (horse-driven carts) and caretelas (cow-driven) were the primary means of transportation.
At night, the surroundings is full of boring darkness. Households contend themselves with a dim light provided by quinki (kerosene lamp) whose quality of light emitted seems to protest more against darkness than to permit human activities. Only the more economically stable had the hasag (a metallic lamp equipped with atomizer capable of emitting light equivalent to a 100 watt bulb), thus, have brighter home. Only the poblacion (town proper) is supplied with electricity by a diesel generator- and only the elites were benefited. But electricity was only available from 6:00 to 9:00 in the evening – and even fluctuating. Electrification of the province was only intensified in 1973.

Revisiting the Japanese Occupation
Old folks vividly recalls the brutality of the Japanese kempei-tai (military police), They pillaged their homes and commandeered their food and domesticated animals. The males were the target of brutality and those suspected to have connections with the guerrillas were killed.
To escape the cruelty of the Japanese soldiers, they had to leave their homes and dispersed on the uplands and crossed rivers in search of a safe place to live. Their fleeing to the mountains and other places led to parting of ways among family members. This explains the reason why families and relatives are so far apart from each other.
Liberation did not persuade the people to go back to their places of origin. First, it was difficult then as they have to hike mountains. Second, they have established their own homes. However, they began to trace their whereabouts.

The Search for Truth
The most senior members(those in the 90s and still in their right sense) of society claim that those practices were not yet observed even after the liberation of the country. When somebody dies, they only do a little vigil then the remains is buried. There was no embalming yet. Despite efforts to establish the exact time the practices started, many claim “nagin-inut nga timmaud” (slowly sprouted, like a germinating seedling).
It is not safe to say, that such practices began during the liberation. History tells that the country was devastated during the war –economy crippled and people suffered from scarcity of food. When and how the practices exactly started if ours to fathom with. However, dealing with each of the practices per se, it could be aptly theorized that “they evolved from a mere struggle to cope with the restrictions of the environment which accumulated through the years and organized into a system of proper conduct during the hours of bereavement”.
In support to this theory, let us look into each of the practices in relation to the situations and conditions of the past.

The Atong. Burning pieces of logs (equivalent to a bonfire) could have been the alternative of the people to provide light and prevent the freezing temperature of the environment. Such activity was presumed to have been adopted to form part of the practices to revere the dead.

Wearing the bangal was believed to prevent a person from being haunted and suffer severe headache. This could be associated with some physiological imbalance on a person brought about by so much depression aggravated by fatigue and lack of sleep during the wake. These are conditions that result to the increase in the supply of blood causing the arterial vessels to distend and dilate, thus, the occurrence of headache. As a normal response, a person usually press some nerves in the head to temporarily relieve himself of the pain. Rather than continuously pressing the temporal region, a person may have found it more convenient to tie kerchief or any piece of cloth around his head to suppress the pain. The wearing of the bangal is believed to have originated from this stimulus-response mechanism. This may have been the basis of the old folks to claim that wearing bangal prevents a person from suffering severe headache – and adopted to form part of the practices.

The nine days of wake could be associated with a “wait time” for family members and close relatives from distant places. Recall, that the Japanese invasion led families to disperse to far flung areas. Communication was by word of mouth and to visit each other, one had to walk a day or two. Let’s consider this probable situation: on the day of death, the family is busy attending to the remains of the deceased until it is encased for vigil, a day or two may be spent by the messenger to reach out for siblings or relatives to relay the message. Another day or two for the addressees to arrive. With the very strong family ties among the Ilocanos, siblings and relatives won’t allow not to spend a day or two with their loved ones. To sum it up, seven to eight days had been consumed.

It cannot be denied that the early Filipinos had already a system of religious belief. Although Spanish missionaries endeavored to eradicate animism among the natives, the latter continued to practice them behind their back, thus, a mixture of Christian and pagan beliefs.

Paganism regard some plants and animals as sacred. They believed in the divine power of the palm to eject evil spirit that possesses a person. And, to some extent, sacrifice an animal to please a spirit a favor they ask. Thus, the use of indigenous materials such as lemon, arutang and lipai during the gulgol and digos and sacrificing a pair of rooster and hen during the ngurungur .

The ‘no bathing’ policy during the wake, further aggravated by the accumulation of stresses and anxieties, makes a person feel ill. Water regulates body temperature. Thus, during the didigos a person is relieved of all these tensions and invigorated .

Doing the novena is a Spanish legacy. The long days of waiting for relatives to arrive may have been seen as an opportunity to help cause the spirit of the deceased rise to divinity. This is anchored on the belief that (Agoncillo and Guerrero (1977) a well-provisioned [prayer] dead person would be received with alacrity in the other world while a poorly provided would be received with indifference, if not with hostility.

Reverence for Old Women. In the orthodox rabbis, women are prohibited from reading the Torah during worship nor to sing in the synagogue as the female voice is considered profane (Pratt 1980). Pratt further claim that they are not allowed to lead a prayer. Worse, Spanish missionaries suppressed animism among the natives, threw out their language and enforced Christianity in a language they are ignorant of. Further, they favored only the elites and alienated the natives. The estrangement of of the poor natives from the clergy, coupled with their ignorance of the language, may have driven the Filipino women to organize themselves and form their own davening group and made their own interpretation of the teachings of religion.

The veneration for the religious babbaket (old women) can be explained by the contention of Bernard (1953) who posited that age connotes the fact that one has been around for a long period of time and, therefore, had some acquaintances [from experience or observations] with the blessings and vicissitudes of life. This could have been the reason for the middle-ages Ilocano women to claim “nataengan nga babbaket” (more senior old women) have “napudpudno a sursuro iti biblia” (more genuine grasp of the teachings of the bible) and “napasnekan nga panaglualo” (more sincere prayers).

The offering of meals and taboos may be rooted to some ethical standards. With the continuous flow of people coming to condole the bereaved family, it is unethical to sweep in their presence and scratch head or comb hair in front of them.

Ilocanos could have been the most hospitable. Their very close relationship with the people of the community is a plus factor. It is therefore very difficult for a family not to invite anyone around to join them in meals. Moreover, a simple gesture of condoling and sympathizing with the family in times of bereavement mean so much that mere word are never sufficient to express gratitude. As what the people claim “nakababain nga awan la pagsasaoan. Isu laeng ti mabalin mi nga pagyaman” (It’s a shame without anything to offer [food]. It’s the only way we could express our gratitude for their company [in times of difficulties]).

In Conclusion
Prehistoric men learned to produce fire to protect themselves from wild animals and later learned to use it for cooking theirfood. From broken stones, they learned to create tools and weapons to defend themselves from enemies and extend their hunting activities. Animal skin were made into clothing materials using tiny bones as needles.The crude implements they developed enabled them to cope with the restrictions of the environment.
In like manner, to cope with the restrictions of underdevelopment such as the lack of electricity, poor dwelling facilities, lack of scientific know-how on the cause of illnesses and diseases, inaccessibility with one another due to geographical locations aggravated by ;ack of transportation and communication facilities, Ilocanos developed activities and measures to survive the restrictions of their environment. Undeniably, the dogmas of the olden days still lurk in the culture of the people that dictate upon their attitude and behavior towards a certain phenomenon. These measures and activities, blended with the dogmas of the past, accumulated into sets of practices and standards that ultimately gave shape to a tradition.
Constrained by lack of facilities to facilitate movement and communication, they had to resort to relaying messages by word of mouth and walk several miles to respond to the call that prolonged the agony of waiting. Long waits made them develop alternatives to ease boredom and discomforts.
Unconsciously, standard norms and ethics, and the values of “hiya” (shame) and “utang na loob” (indebtedness) influenced their behavior that shaped their practices.
The alternative measures developed through the years into new social values and new rules that modified the acts and behaviors of the people and governed the manner they mourn for the dead.
Tradition has been defined as the passing down of the elements of culture from generation to generation. From the biological point of view, with the capacity of human being to grow and reproduce as a point of reference, one generation is placed at 30-35 years. This being so, if the basis for the evolution of Ilocano death practices is the first within the decade following the liberation of the country it is safe to infer that such practices are only observed within the last five decades, thus relatively young.
As posited by Yankelovich 1981) and Atwater (1990), the way we understand and cope with our environment puts the entire adjusting process into a new perspective that lead to new social values and new rules by which people live and meet their needs and goals. However, the practices are further given shape by the adoption of the dogmas of the past and the teachings of religion. Moreover, the experiences of the people from the coping mechanisms employed along the years, whether good or bad, fine or painful, favorably or unfavorably, in the adaption of what they believe to be proper or improper, could have been learned and shared with one another and further validated – thus, accumulated into sets of norms and standards
This phenomenon can be further explained by the interactionist perspective of cultural transmission of Sutherland (1937) and Schaeffer (1986) who posited that through interactions with a primary group and significant others, people acquire definitions of behavior that are deemed proper and improper.
Although the younger generation are exposed to more scientific explanations of phenomena, they succumb to the various beliefs not because they really believe in them. The foremost reason, it is their reverence for the older members of society and the common values of shame that dominates in them. For as long as these values are preserved, the practices shall continue to live on in the decades or centuries yet to come.
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From Coping to Tradition: The Ilocano Death Practices in Focus